Footnotes - Atiwans

Footnotes/Further Reading

Footnote # 1

One of the few surviving records of the Agawam language is recorded in William Pynchon's Account Book, c. 1645-1650. On page iii, he lists the names for the thirteen full moons of the year, including:

1. Squannikesos When they set Indian corne (pt of Aprill & pt of May)

2. moonesquan nimockkesos when women weed their corn (pt of May & pt of June,

3. Towwakesos when they hill Ind corne (pt of June & pt of July)

4. matterl lawawkesos when squashes are ripe & Ind beans begin to be eatable

5. micheeneekesos when Ind corne is eatable

6. pah quitaqunkkesos ye middle between harvest & eating Ind corne

7. pepewarr bec: of white frost on ye grass & grain

[8.] qunnikesos

[9.] papsapqhoho about ye 6.th day of January

[10.] Lowatannassick So caled bec: they account it ye middle of winter

[11.] Squo chee kesos bec ye sun hath strength to thaw

[12.] Wapicummilcom bec ye ice in ye River is all gone (pt of February & part of March)

[13.] Namassack kesos because of catching fish (pt of March and pt of Aprill

Gordon Day, "An Agawam Fragment," International Journal of American Linguistics, 1967, 33 (3):244-247.

Footnote # 2

The Maquas come to offer you peace, to forget all that has been done and to make a new covenant with you...The Pacamtuekocks answered, We have had no war for 36 years and have not troubled ourselves about our neighbors, the Soquackicks, when the Maquaes were at war with them last year. Let them send us a present, then we will release their prisoners and bring a present to their country, thus to renew our old friendship. This was agreed to and they promised to do it. Thereupon the savages left and we sent for the Soquackick chiefs, who had taken refuge in the aforesaid Castle, to the number of 35 or 36; we talked long with them to induce them to make peace, for the war had been brought on by them...

"Journal kept by Jan Dareth and Jacob Loockermans on their journey to the Northern savages," May 19-28, 1664, in O'Callaghan, Edmund B., and Berthold Fernow, eds., Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York; procured in Holland, England and France, by John R. Brodhead, 15 vols. Albany: Weed, Parsons, Printers, Volume XIII, 1881, p. 380-382.

Footnote # 3

This is written to you Honors at the request of the Indians of Agawam, Pajassuck, Nalwetog Pacomtuck and the Wissatinnewag, to inform their friends, the Dutch, that they are very much put out, because the Sowquackick Indians had killed and murdered some of the Maquaas...they deplore it exceedingly, repudiate the deed, and swear at the Sowquackick, because they have killed the Maquaas...they assure the Maquaas that they had no knowledge of it, they were at too great a distance, to prevent the proceedings...

"Memoir of the Indians of Agawam to the Dutch," written by John Pynchon, July 28, 1663, in O'Callaghan, Edmund B., and Berthold Fernow, eds., Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York; procured in Holland, England and France, by John R. Brodhead, 15 vols. Albany: Weed, Parsons, Printers, Volume XIII, 1881, p. 308-309.

Footnote # 4

Articles of the Agreement among Col. George Cartwright, envoy of Deputy Governor Richard Nicholls, the Kanienkehaka, and the Seneca at Fort Albany, September 24, 1664:

1. That the English do not assist the three nations of the Ondiakes [Sokoki], Pinnekooks [Pennacook], and Pacamtokookes [Pocumtuck], who murdered one of the Princes of the Maquaas, when he brought ransoms and presents to them upon a treaty of peace.

2. That the English do make peace for the Indian Princes with the Nations [Mohican, Wappinger, Munsee, etc.] down the [Hudson] River.

3. That they may have free trade, as formerly.

4. That they may be lodged in houses, as formerly.

5. That if they be beaten by the three Nations above menconed, they may recieve accomodation from ye English.

O'Callaghan, Edmund B., and Berthold Fernow, eds., Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York; procured in Holland, England and France, by John R. Brodhead, 15 vols. Albany: Weed, Parsons, Printers, Volume III, p. 67-68.

Footnote # 5

By what you mention of the comander of the Indians' war, it appears the feud still continues, although the Mowhoaks (as I suppose you have heard) have killed the Cheife Sachem & Capt. of the Upland Indians, Onopequen, & his wife and children, after they had taken him; its said they killed him before they knew who he was; they are all fled from Pacomtuck & Squakeage & Woruntuck, & it seemes some of them to your parts, but there are 2 forts of them neere Springfield. I heard from Mr. Pynchon that they would make peace if they knew how, but none of them durst goe to treat about it. I should thinke now they have revenged upon Onopequen, they might hearken to peace; which possibly if they desire it, may be by the mediation of the English, when its season of passing

John Winthrop to Roger Williams, Hartford, February 6, 1664/5, Boston, MA: Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, 4th Series, VI, 1863, p. 529-532.

Footnote # 6

Pynchon shall plow up or cause to be plowed up for the Indians sixteene acres of land on ye east side of Quinnoticott River which is to be done sometyme next Summer 1654 & in the meane tyme vizt the next Spring 1654 the Indians have liberty to plant their present corn fields...

Wright, Harry Andrew. Indian Deeds of Hampden County, Springfield, Massachusetts: Harry A. Wright 1905, p. 27

Footnote # 7

1. first they shall not break the Saboath by workeing or gameing or caring burdens or ye like.

2. They shall not pawway on that place or any wher els amogst us.

3. They shall not gett liquoer or Sider and drinke themselues drunk and soe kill one an other as they haue done.

4. They shall not take in other Indians of other places to seat amogst them, wee alow only Nowutague Indians yt were the Inhabytants of the place.

Trumbull, James Russell. History of Northampton, Volume I, Northampton, MA: Gazette Printing Company 1898, p. 177-78

Footnote # 8

That day, a little after noon, we came to Squakheag, where the Indians quickly spread themselves over the deserted English fields, gleaning what they could find; some pickt up ears of Wheat that were crickled down, some found ears of Indian Corn, some found Ground-nuts, and others sheaves of Wheat that were frozen together in the shock, and went to threshing of them.

Rowlandson, Mary. The Sovereignty and Goodness of God, edited by Neal Salisbury, Boston, MA: Bedford/St. Martin's 1997, p. 81

Footnote # 9

Our Indians at Woronoco and Pojassick are generally all of them removed to Albany; what the matter is, they make so universal and general a remove I know not. Some few Indians that stay do not like it and wish they had not gone hard with the Mohawks.

John Pynchon, Springfield, writing to Governor John Winthrop, Jr. on April 9, 1674, in Bridenbaugh, Carl. The Pynchon Papers, Letters of John Pynchon, 1654-1700, Boston, MA: Colonial Society of Massachusetts 1982, Vol. I, p.124.

Footnote # 10

The village of Odanak, or Arosikantegouk, on the Saint Francis River was settled by Sokwakis about 1670. The original Sokwaki village was strengthened by repeated increments of Sokwakis and some Pennacooks. In 1700 it received all the Sokwakis and Pennacooks from the mission on the Chaudière River and some of the Eastern Abenakis. There were subsequent additions of Sokwakis, Abenakis, a few Algonquins, and the whole Pigwacket tribe, which arrived in 1707 and left in 1714. The Norridgewocks took refuge there twice but returned to the Kennebec River. Between 1696 and 1754, the entire population of the refugee village of Schaghticoke on the Hudson River moved to Odanak, some directly after a stopover at Missisquoi.

Day, Gordon. The Identity of the Saint Francis Indians, Candian Ethnology Service, Paper No. 71, Ottawa, Canada: National Museums of Canada 1891, p. 276.

Footnote # 11

...the Indians that are come down are about 150 of them, men, women, and children, and are settled at Deerfield under the side of the mountain southerly from the town, living in the woods about a mile out of the town, the men plying hunting and leaving their women and children at home.

Partridge, quoted by Pynchon to Bradstreet, December 2, 1691, in Bridenbaugh, Carl. The Pynchon Papers, Volume I, Letters of John Pynchon, 1654-1700, Boston, MA: Colonial Society of Massachusetts 1982, p. 236.

Footnote # 12

A 1666 deed for parts of Deerfield noted that the sachem Chauk "doth reserve Liberty of fishing for ye Indians in ye Rivers or waters & free Liberty to hunt deere or other wild creatures, & to gather walnuts chestnuts & other nuts things on ye Commons."

Wright, Harry Andrew. Indian Deeds of Hampden County, Springfield, Massachusetts: Harry A. Wright 1905, p. 62.

Footnote # 13

In 1693, during a rout of so-called "Canada Indians" (a contingent that included former Connecticut River valley inhabitants) at Quabaug, Major John Pynchon wrote, in his account to Governor Phipps, "What I much wonder at, one of the soldiers a Smith [blacksmith] of Northampton, says that one of their hatchets he knows well that he made it about a year ago"

Trumbull, James Russell. History of Northampton, Volume I, Northampton, MA: Gazette Printing Company 1898, p. 437.

Footnote # 14

They came to my house in the beginning of the onset...Taking down my pistol, I cocked it, and put it to the breast of the first Indian that came up; but my pistol missing fire, I was seized by three Indians, who disarmed me.

Williams, John. The Redeemed Captive Returning to Zion, Northampton, MA: Hopkins, Bridgman and Company 1853, p. 11.

Footnote # 15

The judgement of God did not long slumber against one of the three which took me, who was a captain, for by sunrising he received a mortal shot from my next neighbor's house; who opposed so great a number of French and Indians as three hundred, and yet there were no more than seven men in an ungarrisoned house.

Williams, p. 11.

Footnote # 16

When we came to our lodging place, the first night, they dug away the snow, and made some wigwams, cut down some small branches of the spruce tree to lie on, and gave the prisoners somewhat to eat; but we had little appetite. I was pinioned and bound down that night, and so I was every night I was with the army.

Williams, p. 14

Footnote # 17

He that took me was unwilling to let me speak with any of the prisoners, as we marched; but on the morning of the second day, he being appointed to guard the rear, I was put into the hands of my other master, who permitted me to speak to my wife, when I overtook her, and walk with her to help her in her journey

Williams, p. 15

Footnote # 18

[I] heard that, passing through the above-said river, she fell down, and was plunged over head and ears in the water; after which she travelled not far, for at the foot of the mountain, the cruel and bloodthirsty savage who took her slew her with his hatchet at one stroke, the tidings of which were very awful.

Williams, p. 16.

Footnote # 19

When we came to our lodging place, an Indian captain from the eastward spake to my master about killing me, and taking off my scalp...afterwards I told my master, if he intended to kill me, I desired he would let me know of it; assuring him that my death, after promise of quarter, would bring the guilt of blood on him. He told me he would not kill me. We laid down and slept...

Williams, p. 17.