Footnotes - Chauk

Footnotes/Further Reading

Footnote # 1

The Connecticut River valley Indian named Chauk appears in the 17th century historical record only a few times. His name is also spelled Chawk, Chaque, Chauquatt, and Chawquatt. In 1658, "Chaque" or "Chauquatt" is recorded as a Podunk sachem living around Wethersfield who had been loyal to the English for 20 years. In February of 1667, "Chauk" alias "Chaque," signed the first deed giving Pocumtuck land to John Pynchon for the founding of Deerfield. (See footnotes #35, 36, and 54.)

Footnote # 2

"Podunk," or pautunke, loosely translates to a boggy place where one sinks in mire, referring to the low-lying river lands around present-day Hartford, Connecticut. See Huden 1962:189. For records of the first contact with the English, see DeForest 1852:55.

Footnote # 3

Ousamequin, meaning "yellow feather," was the given name of the 17th century Wampanoag sachem of Sowams, who was known to the Plymouth colonists as "Massasoit," a word that means "great sachem."

Footnote # 4

The Wampanoag village of Patuxet was emptied by a plague that hit just a few years before the Mayflower landed in 1620. Despite that loss, Massasoit decided to broker a peaceful alliance and trading relationship with the English, in part to gain allies in his struggles with the Narragansett.

Footnote # 5

Jack Straw was just one of hundreds of New England Indians taken captive to, and returned from, England in the early 1600s. John Winthrop's journal entry for April 4, 1631, records:

Wahginnacut a Sagamore vpon the river Quoanehtacut which lyes west of naraancet came to the Governor at Boston with Iohn Sagam. & Iacke Straw (an Indian which had liued in England, & had served Sir Walter Earle, & was now turned Indian againe) & diverse of their Sanopps: & brought a lettre to the Gouernor from mr Endecott, to this effecte, that the said Wahgin. was verye desirous to have some Englishmen to come plante in his Countrye & offered to finde them Corne & give them yearly 80 skins of Beuer, & that the Countrye was verye fruitfull &c: & wished that there might be 2: men sent with him to see the Countrye; the Gouernor entertained them at dinner but would send none with him; he discovered after that the said Sagamore is a verye treacherous man, & at warre with the Pekoath (a farre greater Sagamore) [of the Pequot]... (in Dunn et al 1996:49).

Footnote # 6

Winthrop Papers Volume I:225.

Footnote # 7

For a quick summary of these events, see DeForest 1852:69-86. For an account of the split between the Mohegan and Pequot, see Salisbury 1982 and Fawcett 1995.

Footnote # 8

See the Journal of John Winthrop, October 10, 1633, in Dunn et al 1996:99. Also Bradford [1634] 1981:289.

Footnote # 9

DeForest 1852:83.

Footnote # 10

Although there are few records of the earliest arrangements, the surviving records from later years indicate that the Pynchons periodically hired Native men to transport goods. For example, on January 1, 1667, John Pynchon recorded a payment due from Nathaniel Ely "to an Indian Squompe for bringing up your 2 horses to Chikkupy River for which I agreed with him a bushel of Ind corne apiece." Native people also transported horses for Pynchon: on December 3, 1664, and April 13, 1666, payments were due "to an Indian for bringing my 4 horses," and "To the Indians for bringing your horses in winter." On July 11, 1671, Pynchon billed Reverend John Russell of Hadley 1 pound for "payment to the Indians who brought your Negro & fetching up the canoe from the Ind fort." (In Pynchon Account Book III:152, 198, 522, unpublished manuscript, collections of the Connecticut Valley Historical Society.)

Footnote # 11

Smallpox is related to cowpox, a disease that emerged from the close proximity in which Europeans lived with their farm animals. Since exposure to cowpox does render one less vulnerable to smallpox, I use Chaque's exposure in this narrative as device to explain how some Native people may have developed immunities through limited exposure, which was the surest way to survive the disease before professional vaccination became available.

Footnote # 12

Native peoples, despite their robust state of health, had never been exposed to many European diseases, and some plagues hit so quickly that there was no time to develop immunities, and few left to bury the dead. William Bradford relates this particular epidemic as follows:

I am now to relate some strange and remarkable passages. There was a company of people lived in the country up above in the River of Connecticut a great way from the trading house there, and were enemies to those Indians [Pequot] which lived about them [to the south], and of whom they stood in some fear, being a stout people. About a thousand of them had enclosed themselves in a fort which they had strongly palisadoed about. Three or four Dutchmen went up in the beginning of winter to live with them, to get their trade and prevent them for bringing it to the English or to fall into amity with them; but at spring to bring all down to their place. But their enterprise failed. For it pleased God to visit these Indians with a great sickness and such a mortality that of a thousand, above nine and a half hundred of them died, and many of them did rot above ground for want of burial. This spring also, those Indians that lived about their trading house there [Windsor], fell sick of the small pox and died most miserably (Bradford, [1634] 1981:301-2).

Footnote # 13

In 1656 Mohican Indians told a Dutch colonist that "before the arrival of the Christians, and before smallpox broke out amongst them, they were ten times as numerous as they now are" (Adriaen Van der Donck quoted in Calloway, New Worlds for All: Indians, Europeans, and the Remaking of Early America, Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press 1997:36). The spiritual beliefs of Native peoples were such that places of massive death would usually be abandoned for a time, to allow the spirits of the deceased to settle. That practice, unfortunately, encouraged English settlers to view such places as having been either willingly abandoned, or cleared "by God's providence."

Footnote # 14

For a description of English land-intensive agriculture as practiced in early Springfield, see Thomas 1979.

Footnote # 15

See the 1666 deed with the signature "Chauque," in John Pynchon's hand, written alongside the marking used by Chauk. The original is in the collections of Memorial Hall Museum in Deerfield.

Footnote # 16

The Pynchon family's first encounters with Native people and Algonkian language were in the eastern part of the state, among the Wampanoag and Punkapog. In the eastern Massachusetts dialect, the locative endings –oag or –og are used in place names. In the western Massachusetts dialect, by comparison, –uk, -uck, or –ut are the most common locative endings. Thus, the Pynchons tended to call the Native homelands around what is now Northampton "Nolwatoag," while the Native people living there called the same place "Nonotuck." Throughout his life, and despite his massive correspondence, John Pynchon's spelling was notoriously inconsistent. As just one example, he called "Housatonic" by many variant spellings, including Ausatinnoag, Ausatinnog, Aussatinnewag, and Wissatinnewag. "Podunk" is one of the few Native place names that John Pynchon spelled consistently.

Footnote # 17

Traditionally, during hunting seasons, Wôbanaki women would make new coats, moccasins, snowshoes, snares and packs for the men to use in travel and transport, while the men made their own spears, atlatls, knives, bows and arrows. When families hunted together, men would usually kill the game and women would skin the animals, cut the meat, and tan the hides. Women who hunted made their own gear, including sleds on which to carry large game back to camp. Children learned these skills by working alongside adults.

Footnote # 18

For an account of the events leading up to the attack on the Pequot fort at Mystic, see Salisbury 1982:203-225. The Mohegan and Narragansett were shocked at the slaughter, and oral traditions suggest that they agreed to shelter the surviving Pequot people to protect them from the English. Colonial authorities waxed poetic about the victory over the Pequot – for example, William Bradford wrote:

...the victory seemed a sweet sacrifice, and they gave the praise thereof to God, who had wrought so wonderfully for them, thus to enclose their enemies in their hands and give them so speedy a victory over so proud and insulting an enemy (Bradford [1637] 1981:331).

Footnote # 19

This distribution of Pequot captives was decided at the Treaty of Hartford, September 21, 1638. See DeForest 1852:160. T

Footnote # 20

The wampum tribute, paid in fathoms or 6 foot lengths, remained in effect for decades, but Native communities were continually charged with under-reporting. Some of the wampum went to cover the salaries of various scouts, interpreters, and military leaders for the colonies; the rest was used in Indian trade and tribute, with vast amounts flowing into Iroquois territory. In just one of many accounts of wampum tribute, the 1659 records of the United Colonies report:

The whole account of wampam brought in; from long Iland forty fathom Robin seauenty eight fathom Cashawashett fifty fathom; in all one hundred sixty eight fathom wherof eighty fathom was deliuered to Thomas Stanton for his sallary; The remainder viz: eighty and eight fathom was left with Mr Talcott vpon account...(Meeting of the United Colonies Commissioners at Hartford, September 14, 1659 in Pulsifer 1859:226-7)

Footnote # 21

On March 24, 1638 William Pynchon was charged by the Connecticut General Court for supposedly keeping the Indians of Agawam, Woronoco, and Nonotuck in fear of him, that he might be considered the great English sachem of the valley, and for inducing certain Mohawk runners to sell him the beaver skins that were being sent to the Connecticut authorities as presents. Pynchon denied these charges, and explained the purchase of beaver from the Mohawk thusly:

He could not Imagin that it was come as gift, because they mentioned noe such thing, but caled for trade. Besides it is their ordinary time in the time of snow in the beginning of Winter to trade their skinns & a greate parte of this was such skins and not fitt for a gift to grate Sachims. . . He that told this to Mr Haynes was one of them that brought the 7 Sachims locks [the scalps of 7 Pequot leaders]. . ., and all that they said was this that the Mohawks did much love the English: and would be in friendshipp with them, & destroy all Pequotts that came in their way. . . (Pynchon to Connecticut General Court in Green 1888:33)

Footnote # 22

On March 21, 1638 John Mason wrote to William Pynchon of his own failed efforts to purchase corn from the Indians upriver:

I am com to trade some corne with the Indians, and I have traded some at Woronoco, and I had purposed to have you to Nanotuck, but I mett with one of Nanotuck, here at Agaam [Agawam] and I would have traded some corne with him yester night, but he said he dared not without yr leave, for saide he is afraid of you, as alsoe are the Indians on the Riverside (Mason to Pynchon in Green 1888:25)

Footnote # 23

On February 9, 1638, the Connecticut General Court passed an order forbidding anyone to purchase corn directly from the Indians:

"Noe man in this River, nor Agawam shall goe vpp River amonge the Indians, or at home at their houses, to trade for corne," under a penalty of five shillings per bushel. This was on the ground that "if euery man be at liberty to trucke with the Indians vppon the River, where the supply of corne in all likelihood is to bee had to furnish our necessities, the market of Corne amonge the Indians may be greatly advanced, to the prejudice of these plantations."(Sheldon 1890:113)

Footnote # 24

On March 9, 1638 William Pynchon arranged a contract to purchase 500 bushels of corn, at 5 shillings per bushel, from the Pocumtuck Indians, and agreed to have it delivered to Windsor and Hartford:

Corn was not found at Agawam, Warranoco, or Naunatuck, and Pynchon or his agents, with generous bags of wampum, pushed up through the wilderness to Pocumtuck. . . The Pocumtuck had plenty of food to sell, and it must have been a busy and exciting day when Pynchon came among them to buy five hundred bushels of corn, bringing twelve thousand strings of wampum . . . files of women, with baskets on their backs, were soon seen threading the narrow pathways to the river; for in a short time a fleet of fifty canoes, freighted with Indian corn, was on its way down the Connecticut, to relieve the impending famine in the settlements below. (in Sheldon 1890:113)

Footnote # 25

See Ward, The United Colonies of New England, 1643-90, 1961.

Footnote # 26

...witness their [the Pocumtuck's] deadly fewdt wch they have & do beare to ye Monaheganicks [Mohegans] ever since they took Sewoquasse [Sequasson] from them the last yere [1647]: wch I doubt will be the ground of a further dangerous war: for I heare that Pacumtuk will psue the Quarrel & joyne wth ye Indians [Mohican] of the duch River [Hudson River] against ym [Uncas], but the Naricanset [Narragansett] must begin the war, and as I heare eather yesterday or this day [July 5, 1648] is like to be ye day of fight between them & ye Naricanset: though these [Connecticut] River Indians will delay their tyme till the tyme that corne begins to be ripe; but now they are making a very large & a strong fort." (William Pynchon to Governor John Winthrop, May 5, 1648, in Temple 1887:37 38).

Footnote # 27

I grant they are all wthin ye line of yr pattent, but you cannot say that therefore they are yr subjects nor yet within yr jurisdiction untill they have fully subjected themselves to yr government (wch I know they have not) & untill you have bought their land: untill this be done they must be esteemed as an Independant free people, & so they of Naunotak do all account themselves, & doubtless wch ever goes with strength of men to disturb their peace at Naunotuk they will take it for no other than a hostile action. . . it may be of ill Consequence to ye English that intermedle in their matters . . . in that respect they threaten to be avenged on such as lay any hand upon them: & our place [Springfield] is more obnoxtious to their malice then the Bay by farr, especially the Naunotuk Indians are desperate Spirites, for they have their dependence on the Mowhoaks or maquas who are the Terror of all Indians" (William Pynchon to Governor John Winthrop, May 5, 1648, in Temple 1887:37 38).

Footnote # 28

This extension of credit resulted in a "beaver debt" that the Nonotuck and Pocumtuck were unable to pay, and this debt figures prominently in land transactions in the valley. For example, Maskalisk, sunksqua at Pocumtuck, signed over a parcel of land on August 26, 1672:

...ffor & in Consideration of a debt of ten large Bevers & other debts of Wuttawoluncksin her son wch shee acknowledges her self engaged for ye Payment off to John Pynchon aforesd: for the said Just and due Debts & moreover for & in consideration of sixty fada of wampum. 2. cotes some cotton & Severall other small things all wch ye sd Mashalisk acknowledge to have Recd... (Wright 1905:74-75).

Footnote # 29

See Gordon Day, "The Ouragie War: A Case History in Irqoquois-New England Indian Relations," and John De Forest, History of the Indians of Connecticut from the Earliest Known Period to 1850 for summaries of some of these conflicts.

Footnote # 30

Thomas Stanton, in a report to the United Colonies in 1659, noted that the Pocumtuck sachems had agreed to behave peacably in the English towns, and avoid troubling any friendly Indians they encountered there. The Pocumtuck asked friendly Indians to identify themselves by a white cloth woven into or wrapped around their hair.

. . neither for time to come will wee come with our armes neare the English houses nor meddle with any Indian that is as a servant vuto the English; nor any that plants on theire grounds they hanueing markes wherby wee may know them; as a white cloth in theire locke and they giueiug vs theire Names wherby wee may know they are not such mohegens that fight against vs (Meeting of the United Colonies Commissioners at Hartford, September 14, 1659 in Pulsifer 1859:236-7)

Footnote # 31

The Podunk Indians living around Windsor and Wethersfield traded regularly with John Pynchons, and the most common purchase was cloth. In a series of purchases that began in November of 1658, Pynchon recorded the following:

Seanan the Wethersfield sachem 1 yd 3/4 of Trading cloth

To Seanan of Trading cloth 4 yds 1 yd of shag cotton which Kachiomah & Neesumbaccum and other Wethersfield Indians Ingage to sattisfie

To Kachiomah 3 yds of shag cotton

To Nesumbaccum 2 yds of red Trading cloth

To Pashonah 2 yds of Trading cloth

To Seancuts squa 2 yds of Trading cloth

To Robin a wethersfield Ind 2 yds 1/2 shag

To Seancut 1 yd 3/4 of shag cotton

To Seancut & his sister 2 yds shag cott

(John Pynchon Account Books, Manuscripts 1652-1701, Volume III (1657-66) (1) p. 69.)

Footnote # 32

The Massachusetts Bay and United Colonies Commissioners used this occasion to assert a neutral stance in recent inter-tribal struggles:

We acknowledge the friendshipp of the Narragansitt, Pocunpticks, & Mowwakes in many of the pticulars mentioned, which we haue ever answered wth like loue and friendhsipp, & haue never done them, or any of their people, any wrong or injury since or coming hither, & desire that loue and peace may be contynued between vs & the succeeding generations. (Records of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, May 6, 1657, in Shurtleff 1854:436)

Footnote # 33

It is ordered that Vncas bee Required to pmitt the Potunke Indians to Returne to theire dwellings and there to abide in peace and safety without molestation...and for the peace and safety of the English Collonies in this time of warr amongst the Indians It is ordered that noe Companie of armed Indians shalbee pmited or allowed to come within one mile of any English Towne or plantation...Notwithstanding it may bee lawfull for any English to Receiue any Indian flying from the fewry [fury] of theire enimies... (Acts of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, September 1657, in Pulsifer 1859:196)

Footnote # 34

The Comissioners of the vnited Collonies mett Now Att Boston were Informed by the generall Court of Conecticutt of seuerall Injuryes and Affronts comitted against the English by some of theire people especially one Annapecom [Onapequin] whoe offered great violence and Injury to one of the English messengers that were sent from Conecticott Court with men and wampam from Vncas to mediate and procure a peace betwixt him and them throwing an axe horne and the wampam att him charging his men to kill theire horses; and afterwards endeauoring to strike one of the English Messengers with a gun; and in the Indians Returning from hartford to Monhegin in the companie of some English were assaulted by the said Annapecom and his men contrary to promise and Agreement takeing away by violence one of the Indian Messengers.. (Acts of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, September 18, 1658, in Pulsifer 1859:211)

On May 22, 1658, John Pynchon reported on why Uncas' offer of wampum was rejected by Pocumtuck.

Thus it is, the Pocumtucks, as the wampum is but little (say they) so they say but little, only they will sit still at present, and see how Uncas carries it. The last time after Uncas sent them wampum he gave out proud speeches, which if they find him now to forebear and that he do send them some good girdle or girdles of wampum from himself that they may see the reality, they do intend a full peace, otherwise not. (Bridenbaugh 1982:25)

Footnote # 35

A letter from the Generall Court of Conecticott dated the 2cond of August 1658...Complaining of seuerall Injuries and affronts of the Pocomtock Indians Sachems and Intreating aduise of the Comissioners how they may cary safely and honorably towards the Indians; in this time of warr...Concerning the affront offered to youer messenger by the Pocomtucke Capt: wee vnderstand hee was in drinke; and that before they came away it seemes there was a passification; and Reconsilliation though afterwards in their way home hee comitted another offence; wee shall therfore lett the Pocomtucke Sachems vnderstand how ill wee Resent these Inquiriouse [injurious] passages as alsoe theire takeing away the Baskett of corne att Wethersfeild and the Children from Chawquatt which wee desire you to take care that it bee clearly and plainly made knowne vnto them...Boston the 18th September 1658...for the vnited Collonies...John Endicott President (in Pulsifer 1859:208)

Footnote # 36

That one Chawquatt a peacable Indian liveing neare the English and hath not bine engaged in any warr or quarrells this twenty yeares hath two of his Children taken violently away and kept Captiue att Pocomtucke; they alsoe Informe and Complaine that they fight within theire townes and yards which they can not suffer nor Indure these passages seemes strange to the Comissioners especially when they consider the English haue neuer done them any wrong nor mett with any such dealing from them before; and therfore are willing to vnderstand the minds of the Sachems heerin how farr they will Qwne and approue the same expecting that if they Intend to keep frindship still with vs thay will take care to Render due Satisfaction for the Injuries comitted and alsoe Release the two Captiue Children of Chauquatt; whoe as wee are Informed desired to liue peacably without takeing pte with one or other thay are alsoe to take notice that the Comissioners haue agreed; that in the time of warr amongst the Indians; noe Company of armed Indians coming to any towne of the English nor within one mile therof Nor psue [pursue] any Indian Into any towne or house that soe offences may bee prewented and peace continewed; and this wee exprest; should bee obserued by all Indians in the countrey that desires the loue and ffrenship of the English. Boston the 18th of Sept: 1658 (in Pulsifer 1859:211)

Footnote # 37

Our messengers formerly sent To the Pocomptucke Sachems being returned brought this ensueing answare contained in a letter from Captaine Pinchen...I shall breifly giue youer worshipes an account of the Successe of the Journey; Coming to Pocomtucke; hee that was Interpertor declared youer message to the Sachems there according to his seuerall Instructions; whoe to the first thing redily returned this Answare; that it was all theire desires that peace and frindship betwixt themselues and the English should still continew... if any of theire men had done the wrong they would make Satisfaction to the English... to the second thinge that in the warrs they presse to neare the English &c; they say that as frinds they come to the English for victualls, and charge theire people to carry it frindly...To the desire of the Comissioners to speake with them; they say they can not come to hartford; neither doe they know any engagement that lyes on them to come to the meetings of the English Sachems; and they doe not send for the English Sachems to theire meetings; The Reasons why they can not come to the Comissioners are two first because they haue a great meeting amonst themselues three daies hence and must attend that; it being all one with the Comissioners meeting 2cond1y they are in confederacye with many others as with the Souquakes and Mowhawkes and others and can doe nothing without them...

To the third pticulare. . .they are Resolued not to bee beginers of any breach with the English; and will yeild to the English in any thinge but in makeing peace with Vncas; and that they would not haue the English to pswade them to it; for they can not haue peace with him. . .

(John Pynchon, writing on behalf of interpreter Samuel Marshfield, report to meeting of the United Colonies Commissioners at Hartford, September 14, 1659 in Pulsifer 1859:221-2)

Footnote # 38

THOMAS STANTON being Returned from Poconitucke deiluered the Sachems Returne to our Message in writing; The o1d league of ffrindship betwixt the English and our selues; wee are Resolued to keep; wee can not charge the English of doeing vs any wronge though our people hane mett with some pticulare abuses; though wee know they are not countenanced by the Gours for soe doeing; alsoe some of our men that are younge and follish may haue done some pticulare wrong t o the English; this should not breake the league betwixt vs and the English seeing wee doe not countenance our men for soe doeing...

wee desire the English Sachems not to pswade vs to a peace with Vncas for though hee promiseth much yett hee will pforme nothinge; wee haue experience of his falcenes; alsoe wee desire that if any Messengers bee sent to vs from the English they may bee such as are not lyares and tale carryers, but sober men; and such as wee can vuderstand...

(Meeting of the United Colonies Commissioners at Hartford, September 14, 1659 in Pulsifer 1859:236-7)

Footnote # 39

...ffor the Incurragment of the Indians att Wethersfeild that Attend Mr Peirson and refraine from Pawanying & from labour on the lordsday Mr Vsher was ordered to deliuer to Mr Wells Deputie Gour of Conecticott; six yards of Trading cloth to bee destributed to the principall Indians amongst them.

The Comissioners haueing formerly ordered the Podunk Indians to returne to theire place and finding a willingnes in them soe to doe; They thinke it very equall; that the court of Conecticott should take a speedy and effectuall course to remoue all such vnderhand dealing either by English or Indians that any way hinders them att prsent from injoying theire Just rights...

(Meeting of the United Colonies Commissioners at Hartford, September 14, 1659 in Pulsifer 1859:227)

Footnote # 40

Among Algonkian Indian communities, children are considered to be in the direct lineage of their mother. In the event of a mother's death, her female relatives often adopt the children. Although the character of Keewatuway is fictional, her presence as the mother of Chauk's children, and her origin as a Pocumtuck woman, would help explain why a Pocumtuck war sachem like Onapequin would even bother stealing children from a Podunk man, at a time when the Pocumtuck were fighting on behalf of, not against, the Podunk. The names and precise ages of Chauk's children are not known, and there is no evidence that they were ever returned to him. Chauk disappears from the written records until he resurfaces to sign the first deed for Pocumtuck territory in 1666, a year after Onapequin's death.

Footnote # 41

See Harry Andrew Wright's Indian Deeds of Hampden County, for numerous examples, and Peter Thomas' In the Maelstrom of Change: The Indian Trade and Cultural Process in the Middle Connecticut River Valley: 1635-1665, for a discussion of how these deeds reserved usufruct rights.

Footnote # 42

In 1659, John Pynchon and a group of traders from eastern Massachusetts "proposed to settle a small plantation about 50 miles east of the Hudson and 40 to 50 miles west of Springfield that would ostensibly raise cattle to supply the Dutch at Fort Orange" (Bridenbaugh 1985, 56-57).

In February of 1662, Pynchon hired Samuel Pearly and two other men to contruct the new truck house. In April, a trip to Housatonic was cancelled due to snow. By March 1663, apparently due to tensions among the Dutch and Mohawk over intrusions into their trade, Pynchon abandoned the venture. His records note efforts to dispose of large stocks of cloth, wampum, rum, shot and gunpowder. (Bridenbaugh 1985:57-59, 141-145).

Footnote # 43

Although it is often assumed that "Wissatinnewag" refers to Turners Falls, the Pynchon records reveal it to be a variation of Housatonic, or as John Pynchon sometimes spelled it, "Ausatinnoag" [Pynchon account book, February 22, 1662 and May, 1663]. As noted earlier, Pynchon's spelling was rarely consistent.

Footnote # 44

John Pynchon's letter of July 28, 1663 reads, in part, as follows:

This is written your Honors at the request of the Indians of Agawam, Pojassuck, Nalwetog [Nonotuck], Pocumtuck, and the Wissatinnewag [Housatonic], to inform their friends, the Dutch, that they are very much put out, because the Sowquackick [Sokoki or Squakheag] Indians had killed and murdered some of the Maquaas [Mohawks]; all the above named Indians request herewith that the Dutch Commissaries will believe, that only Sowquackick Indians had been killing the Maquaas.

As to the other Indians of the Connecticut River, as Pocumtuck, Nonotuck, Agawam, and further down, they deplore it exceedingly, repudiate the deed, and swear at the Sowquackicks; because they killed the Maquas and they will have nothing to do with them, for they are resolved to keep up their intercourse and friendship with the Maquaas as before. The Indians of the several places mentioned before request the sachems of the Dutch to assure the Maquaas and inform them how the matter is….The Sowquackicks have indeed broken the friendship with the Maquaas and we will let the Maquaas act according to their pleasure. The Sowquackioks live at the head of the river of Caneticot and they are the ones, who fell upon the Maquaas [. . .] the Indians beyond them to the North [Pennacook and Cowass] and Northeast as far as Nologewook [Norridgewock], but the Southern Indians of Pocumtuck and Agawam and farther South assure that they will remain friends with the Maquaas and hope that they will live in peace with them. (NYCD 13:308-309).

Footnote # 45

This is the answer to an open letter of the 28th July, written in English by Mr. John Pynchon and handed to us by two Northern savages yesterday the 21st of October. We have translated the contents of this letter to a Maquaas, called Adogodquo [also spelled Cajadogo] alias the Big Spoon, who answered, It was well, that other savages, their friends, would have nothing to do with the Onoconcquehagas or Sowquackicks, their enemies. But if the savages, their friends, would send hither some of their people with presents, then the friendship and peace would be so much firmer and he says, that he will then do his best. The Dutch, too, must make every possible effort to have the peace maintained. This was interpreted into the Maquaas tongue to the said Adogodquo by the Commissary Jan Thomas at Fort Orange the 22nd of October 1663. (NYCD XIII:309)

Footnote # 46

January 21, 1664 Director Stuyvesant reports that the Mohawk suffered greater losses against the Sokoki than they were willing to admit:

. . . we note from it especially the bad success of the Maquaes and Sinnekas against their enemies, the Northern savages [Sokoki]. It must be presumed, that they have lost more men than they say or try to make your Honors believe; the rumor here was, that the Maquaes and Sinnekus lost about 2 or 3 hundred. God give his blessing and grace, that your Honors may remains unmolested by the war-parties there; the worst of this war is, that we can expect only a little trade, as long as this war between the natives lasts and it would be best to pacify them by intervention. (NYCD 13:356)

Footnote # 47

On May 17, 1664, at a Dutch Courts session at Fort Orange (Albany, NY), La Montagne and Gerrit Swart reported that the Sokoki were willing to ransom the Mohawk prisoners they still hold, and that this could be an opportunity for the Dutch to broker a peace between the Mohawk and the Connecticut River Valley Indians.

Whereas the savages, called Maquaas, have very urgently requested, that we should [endeavor to make peace between that] tribe and the said Maquaas [and send some] Mahicanders to the Northern savages, called Onconntehocks, to procure the release of the Maquaas, who have been captured by the said savages, and to assist them in every thing and do what the circumstances shall require to conclude a peace. (NYCD XIII:378)

The Mohawk indicated that they were willing to make peace, but only on the condition that the Sokoki and Pocumtuck negotiate separately and do not support each other. They insisted that the Mohican support them whether it be war or peace, and demanded that the Mohican supply wampum:

The Maquaas speak in our presence with the chiefs of the Katskil savages, Machackinemanau, keesje way and Wichpe; they remind them of the peace in which they live with all the tribes of the [Dutch colony] and along the [Hudson] river as far as the South river [near New York city] and they request the said savages, that they give their assistance to obtain peace with the Northern savages, for war is now inconvenient to them and they prefer to live in peace...

Brothers, we are glad, that you intend to make peace with the Northern savages, because [they] and our brothers have lost many of their best men by the small-pox as well as by war.

Secondly. The present of 23 strings of wampum is very good, if you, brothers, will keep the peace, but it will not help you otherwise, if you break it again, because the Dutch and the [English] have done their best herein and should it occur, then you make us liars and deceivers; you must do no harm to the Northern savages, as you have threatened this day, but live like brothers in peace with the people of the North and they [. . . . . .] here among you. (NYCD XIII:379-80)

Footnote # 48

On May 19, 1664, Jan Dareth and Jacob Lockermans left Albany to travel overland, accompanied by 3 Mohawk and 3 Mohican to make peace. They reached Pocumtuck on May 22, after having been met by 10 Englishmen. The English expressed their doubts "whether the Maquaes who [live] among you [shall] keep their word. At Pocumtuck, two of Pynchon's sub-traders, Thomas Clarke and David Wilton (who the Dutch identified as Mr. Clerck and Mr. Wittens) translated for the Pocumtuck sachems:

The Dutch and the Maquas come to offer you peace, to forget all that has been done and to make a firm covenant with you: we have no doubts, for we know, that the Maquaes hold to their word and we desire, that you should make peace with them, or leave our land, and if [. . .] we shall have to go to war, we will get rid of you and kill you. . .

The Pacamtekocks answered, We have had no war for 36 years and have not troubled ourselves about our neighbors, the Soquackicks, when the Maquaes were at war with them last year. Let them send us a present, then we will release their prisoners and bring a present to their country, thus to renew our old friendship. This was agreed to and they promised to do it. Thereupon the savages left and we sent for the Soquackick chiefs, who had taken refuge in the aforesaid Castle, to the number of 35 or 36: we talked long with them to induce them to make peace, for the war had been brought on by them and they were now too weak to have [a chance] against the Maquaes.

The Maquaes messengers said, you have acted [. . . . . .] like fools, the Onoganges, our real enemies, have [instigated] you [. . . ] people you have killed [. . . . . .] thence came [. . . . . .] friends the Dutch [. . . . . .] to make peace with you [. . . . . . ] whereupon the English [. . . . . .] to take it into consideration. . .

[On Saturday evening, one] Maquae messenger with his wife [. . .] run away, the reason why is [. . .] we believe it was because he was afraid for his wife. .

Sunday 25th About eleven o'clock [. . .] we met and concluded the treaty [ . . .] presents given according to their custom, also [. . .] given a belt of wampum, that we should be witnesses to the peace now made and keep the M[aquaes] from breaking it as they promise to do the same. On the same day at two o'clock we left the Castle, [escorted] by the chief-Sachem [Onapequin ? ] and many others, [who came] with us to the first mountain and took leave of us very kindly after we had together smoked a pipe of tobacco. . . the three prisoners shall be released as soon as the Maquaes come with more presents [ . . . . . . ] they are treated well, not as prisoners, but as visiting friends. (DCHNY 1881:380-382)

Footnote # 49

On June 21, 1664, a letter from Jerome Van Renselaer to Petrus Stuyvesant, Governor of New Netherland, indicated that the Mohawk sachem Saheda and other ambassadors were murdered enroute to a meeting at Pocumtuck. (NYCD 2:371)

Footnote # 50

On July 12, 1664, Gerrit Slichtenhorst related an account from Cajadogo (Mohawk) at a Court Session at Fort Orange (Albany), in which Pynchon's sub-traders, Thomas Clarke and David Wilton, were blamed for urging the Pocumtuck to kille the Mohawk peace ambassadors:

. . .related by his Honor the Commissary [. . . . . . ] Gerritt Slichtenhorst Commissary [. . . . . . ] a savage, called Cajadogo, and Commissary [. . . . . . ] from Kanjchko report to the meeting that yesterday morning four Northern [Pocumtuck] savages [came to] Claverack, who have been upon the Maquaes path. . . crossed in a canoe arriving at the bouwery of Peter the Fleming and they said to them, How will it be now with the Northern savages, for the Onejages [Sokoki] have a knife and a hatchet lying upon their arms; they answered, the English had told the Northern savages to carry on the war against the maquaes.

They say further, the Onejages had said to them, Brothers, we will not conceal it from you, for you have long lived among us and have had wives and children there and you understand our language well, the English have told and directed the savages, to fight or kill the Dutch and Maquaes and the English have threatened, if you do not do as we tell you, we shall kill you.

They say also, that 40 ships shall come across the sea to make war here and ask for the surrender of this country and if we were not willing to give it up, they intend to kill us all together and the English shall fight against the Dutch and now the Northern savages against the Maquaes.

They say further, that at the time when the messengers of the Maquaes had come to the fort of the Pacamtekock savages to confirm the peace, several Englishmen were in the fort, who [urged] the savages to kill the Maquaes and they are dead now. (NYCD 13:389)

Footnote # 51

On July 25, 1664, Pynchon wrote to John Winthrop, Jr. to deny English involvement in murder:

But doubtless the reports that the English up the River were abettors, or privy to the murder of the Mohawk sachems that were sent with wampum to conclude a peace is very false, for I heard Lieut. Wilton and Mr. Clarke of Hadley say they did persuade the Pocumtucks to accept of wampum and to make peace with the Mohawks, but they refused to harken. (JP 1:50)

Footnote # 52

On September 25, 1664 Col. George Cartwright, on behalf of the new English Gov. Richard Nicholls, signed a new treaty at Fort Albany with the Mohawk and Mohican, that included the following provisions:

1. That the English do not assist the three Nations of the Ondiakes [Sokoki], Pinnehooks [Pennacook], and Pacamtohookes [Pocumtuck], who murdered one of the Princes of the Maquaas, when he brought ransomes & presents to them upon a treaty of peace.

2. That the English do make peace for the Indian Princes, with the Nations [Mohican, Wappinger, Munsee, etc.] down the [Hudson] River.

3. That they may have free trade, as formerly.

4. That they may be lodged in houses, as formerly.

5. That if they be beaten by the three Nations above menconed, they may receive accomodacon from ye English (NYCD III:68)

Footnote # 53

By what you mention of the comander of the Indians' war, it appears the feud still continues, although the Mowhoaks (as I suppose you have heard) have killed the Cheife Sachem & Capt. of the Upland Indians, Onopequen, & his wife and children, after they had taken him; its said they killed him before they knew who he was; they are all fled from Pacomtuck & Squakeage & Woruntuck, & it seemes some of them to your parts, but there are 2 forts of them neere Springfield. I heard from Mr. Pynchon that they would make peace if they knew how, but none of them durst goe to treat about it. I should thinke now they have revenged upon Onopequen, they might hearken to peace; which possibly if they desire it, may be by the mediation of the English, when its season of passing

(John Winthrop to Roger Williams, Hartford, February 6, 1664/5, Boston, MA: Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, 4th Series, VI, 1863, p. 529-532.)

Footnote # 54

These presents Testifie That Chauk alias Chaque the Sachem of Pacomtuck for good & valluable Considerations him thereunto moveing, hath Given, Granted, Bargained & sold, & by these presents Doth (for himself & his Brother Wapahoale,) fully, clearely & absolutely Give, Grant, Bargaine & sell unto Capt John Pynchon of Springfield for ye use & behoofe of Major Eleazar Lusher & Ensigne Danl Fisher, & other English of Dedham, their Associates, & successours & to them, & theire heires for ever, Certain parsells of Land at Pacomtuck on ye further side or upper side or North side of Pacomtuck River, & so alittle way up Pukcommeag River, & then leaving Puckomeagon river, runs off to ye hill Sunsick westward: All ye land fro the Hill Sunsick on ye westward & downe ye River Pacomtuck, eastward below Nayyocossick to Pochewee neere ye Mouth of Puckomeagon river wch persells of Land are called Nayyocossick Tomholissick Masquomcossick Ussowwack Wusquiawwag & so to Sunsick hilll, or by what ever other names it maybe called, Together with the Trees, waters, meddows, woods, Brookes, uplands, Stones poffits, Commoditys & advantages thereof & thereunto belonging. . .only the sd Chauk alias Chaque doth reserve Liberty of fishing for ye Indians in ye Rivers or waters & free Liberty to hunt deere or other wild creatures, & to gather walnuts chestnuts & other nuts things &c on ye Commons: And the sd Chaque doth hereby Covenant & promise. . .that he will save ye sd Major Lusher & Danl Fisher, theire Associates & theire Heires & assignes, harmeless of & from all manner of claimes of any person or persons Lawfully claiming any right Title or Interest in any of ye lands hereby sold. . . and will Defend the same fro any molestation or Incumbrance by Indians otherwise than as before reserved."

The deed of February 24, 1667 (1666 by the old-style calendar reckoning) was also signed by "Wequanock an Indian witness who helped ye Sachem in Makeing ye Bargaine." (in Wright, Harry Andrew. Indian Deeds of Hampden County, Springfield, Massachusetts: Harry A. Wright 1905, p. 61-62)

Footnote # 55

None of the other Deerfield deeds are this explicit about reserving rights to use the lands that were transferred, for reasons that have never been fully explored.

Footnote # 56

Our Indians at Woronoco and Pojassick are generally all of them removed to Albany; what the matter is, they make so universal and general a remove I know not. Some few Indians that stay do not like it and wish they had not gone hard with the Mohawks.

John Pynchon, Springfield, writing to Governor John Winthrop, Jr. on April 9, 1674, in Bridenbaugh, Carl. The Pynchon Papers, Letters of John Pynchon, 1654-1700, Boston, MA: Colonial Society of Massachusetts 1982, Vol. I, p.124.

Footnote # 57

On May 19, 1676, Captain William Turner of Northampton led an attack on the fishing village set up at Peskeompskut, now Turner's Falls, and slaughtered more than 400 non-combatants – old men, women and children – from Nipmuc, Narragansett, Wampanoag, and Connecticut River tribes.

Footnote # 58

On May 29, 1676, New York Governor Edmund Andros extended a formal invitation to Connecticut River valley Indians, whom Andros called "North Indians," to relocate to the refugee village of Schaghticoke, in eastern NY state, in the northermost end of Mohican territory, where they could live under the protection of their former enemies, the Mohawk. The French in Canada, and the Abenaki in Vermont and New Hampshire, also took in many members of valley tribes.

Ordered, That all North Indyans, that will come in may be protected & a stop be put to the Maquaes farther prosectuting sd North Indyans...

Also to send word by some good Mahicander Eastward (who is likewise to bee rewarded), that all Indyans, who will come in & submitt, shall be received to live under the protection of the Government and that the Governr will bee there as afore, where any of them may freely come and speake with him and returne againe, as they see cause without Molestation.

Memorandm. That the ffrench do recieve North Indyans under their Protection, and its said, that five hundred of them are already there.

That the Governmt of Connecticut hath likewise made an order, at their late Genrall court, That any Indyans, that will come in, shall be received, have land assigned them & be protected under their Government. (NYCD 13:496-7)

Footnote # 59

...the Indians that are come down are about 150 of them, men, women, and children, and are settled at Deerfield under the side of the mountain southerly from the town, living in the woods about a mile out of the town, the men plying hunting and leaving their women and children at home.

(Samuel Partridge, quoted by Pynchon to Bradstreet, December 2, 1691, in Bridenbaugh, Carl. The Pynchon Papers, Volume I, Letters of John Pynchon, 1654-1700, Boston, MA: Colonial Society of Massachusetts 1982, p. 236.)