Footnotes/Further Reading
Footnote # 1
One of the few written records of the Connecticut River valley language is found in William Pynchon's Account Book, c. 1645-1650. On page iii, he lists the names for the thirteen full moons of the year, including:
1. Squannikesos When they set Indian corne (pt of Aprill & pt of May)
2. moonesquan nimockkesos when women weed their corn (pt of May & pt of June,
3. Towwakesos when they hill Ind corne (pt of June & pt of July)
4. matterl lawawkesos when squashes are ripe & Ind beans begin to be eatable
5. micheeneekesos when Ind corne is eatable
6. pah quitaqunkkesos ye middle between harvest & eating Ind corne
7. pepewarr bec: of white frost on ye grass & grain
[8.] qunnikesos
[9.] papsapqhoho about ye 6.th day of January
[10.] Lowatannassick So caled bec: they account it ye middle of winter
[11.] Squo chee kesos bec ye sun hath strength to thaw
[12.] Wapicummilcom bec ye ice in ye River is all gone (pt of February & part of March)
[13.] Namassack kesos because of catching fish (pt of March and pt of Aprill (William Pynchon Account Book, Manuscript, Forbes Library p. i.)
Also see Gordon Day's article, "An Agawam Fragment," 1967:244-247. The names for the moons of the year in this narrative have been standardized to two words to follow contemporary Western Abenaki spelling and pronunciation.
Footnote # 2
Although several Algonquian linguists have theorized that the Connecticut River valley languages were similar to Mohican, conclusive research by Gordon Day between the 1940s-90s proved that the languages spoken in the valley were nearly identical to contemporary Western Abenaki. That fact should not be surprising, given that many Pocumtuck, Sokoki, Woronoco and other valley families moved north into refugee villages among the Western Abenaki, and many of those family names can be still be found among their descendants living in Abenaki communities today. The place names in this narrative are taken directly from deeds signed by Mashalisk. Most of the other Native words in this narrative come from Gordon Day's Western Abenaki Dictionary, 1995.
Footnote # 3
David Wilton and Joseph Parsons were apparently fluent Native speakers, since they were asked by the Nonotuck and Pocumtuck to negotiate on their behalf with Pynchon and with the Dutch. That choice may not necessarily have benefitted valley Indians, since the negotiations failed just before the devastating attack on the Pocumtuck fort in 1664/5. For a full discussion of the relationships between the Pynchons, their sub-traders like Joseph Parsons and David Wilton, and the many sachems in Native communities along the Connecticut River, see Peter Thomas, In the Maelstrom of Change, 1979.
Footnote # 4
Here are just a few examples of clothing transactions from William Pynchon's Account Book: In 1647, a Sokoki man named Asquamme brought in two large beavers to purchase 2 blue wool coats – when the trade fell a bit short, a woman named Ahimichqua paid the difference. On January 19, 1648, Momonhewi of Nonotuck paid three fathoms (6 feet) and two hands (about 6 inches) of wampum for a blue coat. On September 25, 1649, a Woronoco named Miattomp was trusted for a large purchase of 46 yards of red cotton for his kinsman Cowquatt, 27 yards for another relative, 10 yards of blue cloth for another, a red coat, stockings, and miscellaneous sundries, all to be paid for with the following season's furs (William Pynchon Account Book, Manuscript, Forbes Library p. i –ii).
Footnote # 5
This comment places Mashalisk a few years into the future for dramatic effect, in order to illustrate the taste that some Native people developed for certain English foods, like peas – one complicated set of exchanges in July, 1665, notes:
Wawwapaw & his wife 1/2 also Coes Son 1/2 bsh
& qualnecks wife viz Coes daughter
And likewise qualnecks daughter
I trusted these each of them halfe a bush of Pea
2 bush of Peas
for which 2 bsh of Pease they Ing[aged]
pay me 8 bsh of Ind Corne
I say there is due to me from
all who are to bring in the corne to
assure as it is dry & good
July 8 65 Trusted Jackco 1/2 bush of Pease
me after Indian harves
John Pynchon Account Books, 1652-1701, Volume III (part 1) 66, ms 37-2.
Footnote # 6
Pynchon shall plow up or cause to be plowed up for the Indians sixteene acres of land on ye east side of Quinnoticott River which is to be done sometyme next Summer 1654 & in the meane tyme vizt the next Spring 1654 the Indians have liberty to plant their present corn fields...
Wright, 1905: 27
Footnote # 7
Although wampum shells and beads had been used for decoration and ceremony for generations, wampum production increased dramatically after Native people had access to Dutch drills and files that allowed them to more rapidly make finer holes and more uniform beads. The English, Dutch and French colonies had begun using wampum as a medium of exchange, and the Dutch set up manufacturing centers on Long Island. Tribes like the Montauk, who were subject to stronger neighbors like the Narragansett, were pressed to manufacture more wampum as tribute. By the mid-17th century, wampum was circulating in vast quantities throughout New England, and John Pynchon had begun hiring Northampton men to string it for the Indian trade. Connecticut River valley Indians often brought in furs to Pynchon to trade for wampum. See Ceci, "Tracing Wampum's Origins" 1988 and Thomas, In the Maestrom of Change 1979.
Footnote # 8
Onapequin was a Pocumtuck sachem who arranged war parties, in alliance with the Narragansett and Tunxis, against the Montauk of Long Island and Mohegan of Connecticut. In 1648, Narragansett allies had helped to construct the fort at Pocumtuck:
...witness their deadly fewdt wch they have & do beare to ye Monaheganicks [Mohegans] ever since they took Sewoquasse [Sequsson] from them the last yere [1647]: wch I doubt will be the ground of a further dangerous war: for I heare that Pacumtuk will psue the Quarrel & joyne wth ye Indians [Mohican] of the duch River [Hudson River] against ym [Uncas], but the Naricanset [Narragansett] must begin the war, and as I heare eather yesterday or this day [July 5, 1648] is like to be ye day of fight between them & ye Naricanset: though these [Connecticut] River Indians will delay their tyme till the tyme that corne begins to be ripe; but now they are making a very large & a strong fort.
William Pynchon to Governor John Winthrop, May 5, 1648, in Temple 1887:37-38
Footnote # 9
The Mohican of the Hudson River valley and the Housatonic of the Berkshires were paying tribute to, and living under the protection of, the Kanienkehaka of New York, but were considering joining an alliance with the Connecticut River valley tribes against them. Between 1662 and 1665, they switched sides at least three times (Thomas 1979, Spady 1995).
Footnote # 10
Several Indians who traded with the Pynchons left their guns as security for goods that would later be paid for in wampum or furs. The page recording Pascallacome's accounts beginning March 29, 1649 reads, in part, as follows:
Pascallacome of Pacomtuck left
his gun for 1 long coate of Jo Pynchons 3 f 4 h
& for 3 f 4 h of wampum of mine lent
& he left 2 mose skins [beaver?] skins for
2 fath: & 12 h more to [pay?] uppon
this gun for another coat of Jo Pynchons
(William Pynchon Account Book, 1645-1651, Manuscript, Forbes Library p. iii)
There are two accounts in which John Pynchon is recorded as having sold a gun to Umpanchela, a Nonotuck sachem with whom he did extensive trading:
more April 13 [1660]
10 fad viz a / gun 6 fad 5 h...
Decembr 25 60
Trusted him on the same
acot one red cote 2 knoves [ illegible] h
If I am not pd in Bever when he comes
from Heakeg all his land is to be mine
Umpanchee owes on a Gun he had
away the 16 Dec 1660 02 fad 0 h
(John Pynchon Account Books, Manuscripts 1652-1701, Volume II (1657-66). p. 218, transcribed in Bridenbaugh 1982:283, 288).
Footnote # 11
The Pynchon Court Records record a number of instances in which Native peoples were arrested for a variety of offenses, including theft, drunkenness, and breaching the peace. Native peoples also brought the English to court for offenses such as theft, assault, and property damage. On March 4, 1664/5, Wattawaluncksin appeared before Eleazar Holyoke and John Pynchon for two offenses which resulted in serious penalties:
John Scott meeting with the Indian Watsaw Luncksin demanded of him a debt which he owned him and the Indian acknowledged before me John Pynchon and Mr Elizur Holyoke That he owed John Scot which he had taken up of him at severall tymes to the vallue of eight fadam of wampam.
Also he owned that for his misdemeanor some yeares agoe in breaking the galss windows of Capt. Pynchon farmehouse and other miscariage he was to pay .8. fadam of wampam: at treble is – 24 fadam.
All of which he did before us Ingage to take care for the Payment off when he could get anything to doe it: and Ingaged his land above Hadley up to Mattampast for it which he made over for that end. (Smith 1961:269).
Footnote # 12
William and John Pynchon traded a large number of coats, sometimes described as "Indian coats," which were ready-made long-sleeved calf-length English-style coats of wool. They sold a large number of blue coats to valley Indians (more than 15 to Umpanchela alone) for prices that averaged between 2 and 4 fathoms of wampum. Children's coats were considerably cheaper, depending on the size and fabric used. (See William Pynchon Account Book, 1645-1651, Manuscript, Forbes Library, and Thomas 1979.)
Footnote # 13
By what you mention of the comander of the Indians' war, it appears the feud still continues, although the Mowhoaks (as I suppose you have heard) have killed the Cheife Sachem & Capt. of the Upland Indians, Onopequen, & his wife and children, after they had taken him; its said they killed him before they knew who he was; they are all fled from Pacomtuck & Squakeage & Woruntuck, & it seemes some of them to your parts, but there are 2 forts of them neere Springfield. I heard from Mr. Pynchon that they would make peace if they knew how, but none of them durst goe to treat about it. I should thinke now they have revenged upon Onopequen, they might hearken to peace; which possibly if they desire it, may be by the mediation of the English, when its season of passing.
John Winthrop to Roger Williams, Hartford, February 6, 1664/5, Boston, MA: Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, 4th Series, VI, 1863, p. 529-532.
Footnote # 14
A 1666 deed for parts of Deerfield noted that the sachem Chauk "doth reserve Liberty of fishing for ye Indians in ye Rivers or waters & free Liberty to hunt deere or other wild creatures, & to gather walnuts chestnuts & other nuts things on ye Commons."
Wright, Harry Andrew. Indian Deeds of Hampden County, Springfield, Massachusetts: Harry A. Wright 1905, p. 62.
Footnote # 15
...there are several Smale [small] Sachims of Quabaug, & in all neer places [Pocumtuck, Nonotuck, Agawam] there are other smale Sachims no one Sachim doth Rule all: & one of these petti Sachims hath made friendship wth Cutshamoquin & that makes Cutchamokin cale [call] them his subjects, but I believe they will stick no longer to him than the sunn shines uppon him.
Pynchon to Winthrop, July 5, 1648 in Temple 1887:36
Footnote # 16
The deed for part of Deerfield, dated August 26, 1672, reads, in part:
These presents testifie, That Mashalisk (the old woman, Mother of Wuttawwaluncksin) doth hereby Bargaine sell & allienate a Tract of Land in ye Southerly side of Pacomtuck River & so lying all along by Quinetticot River side downe to ye Lower Point of ye Hill called Wequomps & by ye English Sugarloafe hill: all ye Tract of Land between ye greate River Quinetticot on ye east & ye ledge of Mountaines on ye west, & on ye Northward fro Pacomtuck River Mouth, Mantehelant downe southward to Wequomps & to ye very Point of land where ye hills come to ye greate River called Tawwat or Tawwattuck Togither wth all ye Islands in ye greate River, called Mattampash, Allinnack, or Allinnackcooke, Taukkanackcoss, or by whatever other names they may be called, all ye whole sd Tract of Land Mantehelant Mattampash downe to Tawwat or Tawwattuck & so by ye ledge of Mountaines lie fro greate River westward...
The sd Mashalisk Doth sell all to John Pynchon of Springfield to him his heires & assignes forever, ffor & in Consideration of a debt of ten large Bevers & other debts of Wuttawoluncksin her sons wch shee acknowledges her self engaged for ye Payment off to John Pynchon aforesd: for the said Just and due Debts & moreover for & in consideration of sixty fada of wampum. 2. cotes some cotton & Severall other small things all wch ye sd Mashalisk acknowledge to have Recd... (Wright 1905:74-75).
The deed for parts of Leverett, Montague, Sunderland and Wendell, dated April 10, 1674, reads, in part:
These Presents Testifie That Mishalisk an old woman the mother of Wallauckinskin deceased Doth hreby Bargaine sell and alienate a Tract of Land to John Pynchon of Springfield...
It runs up by Quinnectticott River to ye Brook called Sawwatapskechuwas on ye North & beyond att Mattamooash & from Quinnecticott River out into ye woods Eastward for six miles...for & in consideration of a Debt & Dues from her son Wattauchinkskin to John Pynchon of Springfield as also for & in consideration of One Large Indian Coat and several other small things Recd...
Wright 1905:84-85.