Footnotes/Further Reading
Footnote # 1
Although several Algonquian linguists have theorized that the Connecticut River valley languages were similar to Mohican, conclusive research by Gordon Day between the 1940s-90s proved that the languages spoken in the valley were nearly identical to contemporary Western Abenaki. That fact should not be surprising, given that many Pocumtuck, Sokoki, Woronoco and other valley families moved north into refugee villages among the Western Abenaki, and many of those family names can be still be found among their descendants living in Abenaki communities today. The place names in this narrative are taken directly from deeds signed by Mashalisk. Most of the other Native words in this narrative come from Gordon Day's Western Abenaki Dictionary, 1995.
Footnote # 2
The name of Mashalisk's son has been spelled in the records as Wattawaluncksin, Wuttawwaluncksin, Wattauchinksin, Wutteallatssun, and Watsaw Luncksin, which are all phonetic variants of the same name.
Footnote # 3
One of the few written records of the Connecticut River valley language is found in William Pynchon's Account Book, c. 1645-1650. On page iii, he lists the names for the thirteen full moons of the year, including:
1. Squannikesos When they set Indian corne (pt of Aprill & pt of May)
2. moonesquan nimockkesos when women weed their corn (pt of May & pt of June,
3. Towwakesos when they hill Ind corne (pt of June & pt of July)
4. matterl lawawkesos when squashes are ripe & Ind beans begin to be eatable
5. micheeneekesos when Ind corne is eatable
6. pah quitaqunkkesos ye middle between harvest & eating Ind corne
7. pepewarr bec: of white frost on ye grass & grain
[8.] qunnikesos
[9.] papsapqhoho about ye 6.th day of January
[10.] Lowatannassick So caled bec: they account it ye middle of winter
[11.] Squo chee kesos bec ye sun hath strength to thaw
[12.] Wapicummilcom bec ye ice in ye River is all gone (pt of February & part of March)
[13.] Namassack kesos because of catching fish (pt of March and pt of Aprill (William Pynchon Account Book, Manuscript, Forbes Library p. i.)
Also see Gordon Day's article, "An Agawam Fragment," 1967:244-247. The names for the moons of the year in this narrative have been standardized to two words to follow contemporary Western Abenaki spelling and pronunciation.
Footnote # 4
The Pynchon Court Records record a number of instances in which Native peoples were arrested for a variety of offenses, including theft, drunkenness, and breaching the peace. Native peoples also brought the English to court for offenses such as theft, assault, and property damage. On March 4, 1664/5, Wattawaluncksin appeared before Eleazar Holyoke and John Pynchon for two offenses which resulted in serious penalties:
John Scott meeting with the Indian Watsaw Luncksin demanded of him a debt which he owned him and the Indian acknowledged before me John Pynchon and Mr Elizur Holyoke That he owed John Scot which he had taken up of him at severall tymes to the vallue of eight fadam of wampam.
Also he owned that for his misdemeanor some yeares agoe in breaking the galss windows of Capt. Pynchon farmehouse and other miscariage he was to pay .8. fadam of wampam: at treble is – 24 fadam.
All of which he did before us Ingage to take care for the Payment off when he could get anything to doe it: and Ingaged his land above Hadley up to Mattampast for it which he made over for that end (Smith 1961:269).
Footnote # 5
Here are just a few examples of clothing transactions from William Pynchon's Account Book: In 1647, a Sokoki man named Asquamme brought in two large beavers to purchase 2 blue wool coats – when the trade fell a bit short, a woman named Ahimichqua paid the difference. On January 19, 1648, Momonhewi of Nonotuck paid three fathoms (6 feet) and two hands (about 6 inches) of wampum for a blue coat. There are also several entries for children's coats sold to the Indians. (See William Pynchon Account Book, Manuscript, Forbes Library p. i –ii.)
Footnote # 6
The fur trade in the Connecticut River valley reached a peak in the 1650s, and then experienced a series drops during and after years of inter-tribal warfare. Native men started hunting beaver in places far afield from, and in seasons apart from, their usual hunting territories, causing the beaver population to plummet. See Peter Thomas, In the Maelstrom of Change, 1979.
Footnote # 7
William and John Pynchon hired a number of sub-traders, including David Wilton and Joseph Parsons, who dealt primarily with the Nonotuck and Pocumtuck. These two were apparently fluent Native speakers, since they were asked by the Nonotuck and Pocumtuck to negotiate on their behalf with Pynchon and with the Dutch, a fact which may not necessarily have benefited valley Indians, since the negotiations failed just before the devastating attack on the Pocumtuck fort in 1664/5. For a full discussion of the relationships between the Pynchons, their sub-traders, and the many sachems in Native communities along the Connecticut River, see Peter Thomas, In the Maelstrom of Change, 1979.
Footnote # 8
For much of the 1640s-1660s, the Pocumtuck were in a close alliance with the Narragansett and Tunxis against the Mohegan of Connecticut, led by Uncas. The United Colonies did levy fines, usually wampum payments, against Pocumtuck, but, in general, they tried to stay clear of inter-tribal disputes. During one attempt at making peace between the Pocumtuck and Mohegan, the Hartford Commissioners convinced Uncas to send a gift of wampum. Pynchon relayed a message from an Agawam and Pocumtuck sachem that read, in part:
Thus it is, the Pocumtucks, as the wampum is but little (say they) so they say but little, only they will sit still at present, and see how Uncas carries it. The last time after Uncas sent them wampum he gave out proud speeches, which if they find him now to forebear and that he do send them some good girdle or girdles of wampum from himself that they may see the reality, they do intend a full peace, otherwise not (John Pynchon to John Winthrop Jr. May 22, 1658, in Bridenbaugh 1982:25)
Footnote # 9
In August of 1659, after an attack on Benjamin Brewster's house in New London, Captain John Mason complained:
I shall say little because I know it is of little purpose: yet am very apt to think ... Annumpequin [Onapequin] [should have] been thoroughly dealt with, upon his shameful and intollerable abuse of our men at Pocumtock, his extreme pryde and insolency at Tunxis; but I hope those whoe are soe sollicitous to prevent a warre with theyre lenity and forbearance, will be as forward to prosecute (Mason 1659, in MHC 1865:423).
Footnote # 10
Although wampum shells and beads had been used for decoration and ceremony for generations, wampum production increased dramatically after Native people had access to Dutch drills and files that allowed them to more rapidly make finer holes and more uniform beads. The English, Dutch and French colonies had begun using wampum as a medium of exchange, and the Dutch set up manufacturing centers on Long Island. Tribes like the Montauk, who were subject to stronger neighbors like the Narragansett, were pressed to manufacture more wampum as tribute. By the mid-17th century, wampum was circulating in vast quantities throughout New England, and John Pynchon had begun hiring Northampton men to string it for the Indian trade. Connecticut River valley Indians often brought in furs to Pynchon to trade for wampum. See Thomas, In the Maestrom of Change 1979.
Footnote # 11
The goat incident occurred in September of 1654, when Massachusetts Governor John Winthrop's house was raided several hundred livestock were killed. Roger Williams wrote to John Winthrop on October 9, 1654:
Sir some of the souldiers said here that tis true the Narigansetts had yet killd no English but they had killd 200 of Mr Wintrops goats and that it was read in Boston meeting howse that Mr Wintrop was robd and undone and flying from the place... (Williams to Winthrop October 9, 1654 in LaFantasie 1988:416-417).
Williams later asked Ninigret, the Niantic sachem, about this incident, and he replied with the following information:
First an absolute denyall that either the Sachims or people know of any Catle of yours slaine by themselves or the Inlanders Excepting 3 or 4 goats wch the Paucomtuck Indians kild in their breaking up in displeasure and departure from Nenekunet and in their march toward the Easterne end of Your Iland homeward...
The letter laid the blame for most of the missing livestock on some of Winthrop's own English employees:
...I find it undeniable from many English Witnesses that many goats have bene sold (and some at cheape prises) by some whome you have trusted, to many Vessells. Some of the vessells belong to our Townes and they name Your kinsman Mr. Symons... (Williams to Winthrop February 15, 1654/5 in LaFantasie 1988:425-426).
Footnote # 12
Although there were restrictions in place that forbade English traders selling guns to the Indians, there are several entries in Pynchon's account books where guns were traded or pawned. Several Indians who traded with the Pynchons left their guns as security for goods that would later be paid for in wampum or furs. For example, the page recording Pascallacome's accounts beginning March 29, 1649 reads, in part, as follows:
Pascallacome of Pacomtuck left
his gun for 1 long coate of Jo Pynchons 3 f 4 h
& for 3 f 4 h of wampum of mine lent
& he left 2 mose skins [beaver?] skins for
2 fath: & 12 h more to [pay?] uppon
this gun for another coat of Jo Pynchons
William Pynchon Account Book, 1645-1651, Manuscript, Forbes Library p. iii
Footnote # 13
This is written to you Honors at the request of the Indians of Agawam, Pajassuck, Nalwetog Pacomtuck and the Wissatinnewag [Housatonic], to inform their friends, the Dutch, that they are very much put out, because the Sowquackick Indians had killed and murdered some of the Maquaas...they deplore it exceedingly, repudiate the deed, and swear at the Sowquackick, because they have killed the Maquaas...they assure the Maquaas that they had no knowledge of it, they were at too great a distance, to prevent the proceedings...
John Pynchon, July 28, 1663, "Memoir of the Indians of Agawam to the Dutch," in O'Callaghan 1881:308-309.)
Footnote # 14
The term "Maguak," in the Western Abenaki dialect, means "man-eater" and is the origin of the term "Mohawk." During the 17th century, the name referred to the Kanienkehaka living in and around Caughnawaga, in central New York state, as a member of the Five Nations Confederacy also known as Iroquois. (The other Nations are Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga and Seneca). By the 1690s, the terms Mohawk and Kanienkehaka also applied to the people residing at the Catholic mission village of Kahanawake, just south of Montreal. The Kahnawake Kanienkehaka had separated from their relatives in the Mohawk River valley in New York state, but maintained alliances with both their former enemies, the Algonkian peoples of the St. Lawrence, and with the Five Nations Iroquois League.
Footnote # 15
By what you mention of the comander of the Indians' war, it appears the feud still continues, although the Mowhoaks (as I suppose you have heard) have killed the Cheife Sachem & Capt. of the Upland Indians, Onopequen, & his wife and children, after they had taken him; its said they killed him before they knew who he was; they are all fled from Pacomtuck & Squakeage & Woruntuck, & it seemes some of them to your parts, but there are 2 forts of them neere Springfield. I heard from Mr. Pynchon that they would make peace if they knew how, but none of them durst goe to treat about it. I should thinke now they have revenged upon Onopequen, they might hearken to peace; which possibly if they desire it, may be by the mediation of the English, when its season of passing.
John Winthrop to Roger Williams, February 6, 1664/5, in MHS Collections 1863: 529-532.
Footnote # 16
The deed for part of Deerfield, dated August 26, 1672, reads, in part:
These presents testifie, That Mashalisk (the old woman, Mother of Wuttawwaluncksin) doth hereby Bargaine sell & allienate a Tract of Land in ye Southerly side of Pacomtuck River & so lying all along by Quinetticot River side downe to ye Lower Point of ye Hill called Wequomps & by ye English Sugarloafe hill: all ye Tract of Land between ye greate River Quinetticot on ye east & ye ledge of Mountaines on ye west, & on ye Northward fro Pacomtuck River Mouth, Mantehelant downe southward to Wequomps & to ye very Point of land where ye hills come to ye greate River called Tawwat or Tawwattuck Togither wth all ye Islands in ye greate River, called Mattampash, Allinnack, or Allinnackcooke, Taukkanackcoss, or by whatever other names they may be called, all ye whole sd Tract of Land Mantehelant Mattampash downe to Tawwat or Tawwattuck & so by ye ledge of Mountaines lie fro greate River westward...
The sd Mashalisk Doth sell all to John Pynchon of Springfield to him his heires & assignes forever, ffor & in Consideration of a debt of ten large Bevers & other debts of Wuttawoluncksin her sons wch shee acknowledges her self engaged for ye Payment off to John Pynchon aforesd: for the said Just and due Debts & moreover for & in consideration of sixty fada of wampum. 2. cotes some cotton & Severall other small things all wch ye sd Mashalisk acknowledge to have Recd...(Wright 1905:74-75).
The deed for parts of Leverett, Montague, Sunderland and Wendell, dated April 10, 1674, reads, in part:
These Presents Testifie That Mishalisk an old woman the mother of Wallauckinskin deceased Doth hreby Bargaine sell and alienate a Tract of Land to John Pynchon of Springfield...
It runs up by Quinnectticott River to ye Brook called Sawwatapskechuwas on ye North & beyond att Mattamooash & from Quinnecticott River out into ye woods Eastward for six miles...for & in consideration of a Debt & Dues from her son Wattauchinkskin to John Pynchon of Springfield as also for & in consideration of One Large Indian Coat and several other small things Recd...(Wright 1905:84-85).